Passionate Sage: The Character and Legacy of John Adams
© 1993 Joseph Ellis
288 pages
G.K. Chesteron once wrote that the Catholic Church is the only thing that saves a man from the degrading slavery of being a child of his age. I don't know that the Church has a monopoly on timelessness, but some historic personalities have a sense of integrity that bids me think they would remain who they were if they were plucked up bodily and thrown into another age. Robert Ingersoll is one such man; John Adams is another. This sense of integrity isn't magically imbued; it requires a certain force of mind, and the decision to root one's self in deeper principles. Passionate Sage is a rare treatment of John Adams which focuses on him not as an architect of the revolution, or as an executive officer, but as a retired statesman coming to terms with what he and others had wrought -- satisfied with what he'd done, even if he was regarded as an anachronism. He had followed his own convictions, and that was enough.
Ellis' treatment of Adams make me suspect that Adams would be his own man in any time because while classical allusions were rife in the founding era, Adams' very soul was grounded in the classical tradition. Some revolutionaries like Thomas Jefferson believed that the Revolution had made all things new again, that institutions like monarchy which prevented people from fulfilling an innately good nature had been escaped from. Adams held to an older view, however, that man was flawed and would constantly struggle with his inner demons -- that virtue and vice hold us in a perpetual tug of war. Our greatest flaw, Adams believed, was pride and vanity; these would drive men to compete ferociously with one another even if they were economic equals. For Adams, the great problem of politics was how to build a productive government that took human frailty in mind. He was a grim realist in an age of idealism. This led him to promoting unpopular ideas -- for instance, that the presidency should be invested with a certain sense of awe, not to honor the person but for the office and for the law's sake. If people do not believe in the law, have a certain respect for it, it loses its persuasive power. If awe does not work, people resort to brute force -- and things go to pieces. His pragmatism also led him taking a high and lonely road during his administration, when he doggedly pursued a course of non-interference during the Franco-English spats of the time. Federalists looked to trade and defense deals with England, and Republicans looked to France. Adams defied them both, following his studies of philosophy that indicated one must do the right thing even if it was unpopular. Adams hoped that history would vindicate him, and on that matter it has. (Ellis notes that Adams often chose the course of action that would alienate the most people, being suspicious of popularity even as he desired it.)
Although Ellis focuses on Adams' thinking and writing, even still we get glimpses of Adams the man -- reading ferociously, for instance. Adams not only challenged Jefferson in terms of the piles of books they both read, but filled his books with notes arguing and debating the authors. Adams loved a good intellectual bout, though his approach was more a pugnacious boxer's than an exercise in rapier wit. In his exchange of letters to Thomas Jefferson, for instance, he fired off as twice as many letters as he received. Although often bombastic in his criticisms (especially where the "bastard brat of a Scotch pedlar", Alexander Hamilton, was concerned), Adams' delight in conversation meant that he'd mend bridges with people like Jefferson or Mary Otis Warren just so he could lock horns with them again. Although by the time he died Adams was regarded as highly as Jefferson, throughout the 19th century his reputation was steadily surpassed by his old friend, who sometimes seemed to be shadowing Washington. Ellis attributes this to the triumph of Jacksonian democracy, which had and less use for Adams' caution, and still less for his philosophic intransigence.
For my own part, I have found Adams endearing and redoubtable ever since discovering him via 1776 and David McCullough. Although self-conscious about his frailties, particularly his vanity and temper, that never stopped him from charging ahead in a roar, with a mouth firing off fusillades. He had a rare energy that left him only when the grave took him.
Related:
John Adams, David McCullough. Selected Adams quotations from the same.
First Family: John and Abigail Adams, Joseph Ellis
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Showing posts with label John Adams. Show all posts
Showing posts with label John Adams. Show all posts
Tuesday, July 11, 2017
Saturday, June 29, 2013
American Creation
American Creation: Triumphs and Tragedies at the Founding of the Republic
© Joseph Ellis
304 pages
In Founding Brothers, Joseph Ellis used a series of nonfictional 'stories' about the founding fathers of the United States to illustrate how their personal relationships with one another shaped the struggle for independence and later the creation of the Republic. In American Creation, he uses the same approach, a series of vignettes, to explore moments which defined the course that Republic would take. Most occur after the revolution is won, and demonstrate how differently the founders dreamed from one another despite their accomplishments working with one another. The result is what I've come to expect of Joseph Ellis: colorful narrative history that doesn't begrudge sympathy to any founder and leaves the reader with a fuller appreciation for the Revolution -- one which sees the founders as men, not demigods, who struggled against not only the prejudices and foibles of third parties, but against one another and their own inner demons.
The titular triumphs are well known, like the Declaration of Independence and the miraculous survival of the Continental Army after Valley Forge, which was effected by both the persistent support of the people for the struggle and Washington's adoption of a strategy that played to his strengths: avoid battle and focus instead on controlling the countryside. Even so, Ellis may pass along new information to students of the period: for instance, months before the storied Declaration of Independence was presented and signed, each American colony drew up a constitution for itself in preparation for the impending separation from England, asserting self-rule in a fashion with immediate practical effects and much less bombast. Of the tragedies, there are three: the failure to strangle slavery, the lack of any effective and just "Indian policy", and the birth of vicious parties. All three have the same mother: the interests of Southern planters, asserting the sovereignty of their individual states and dismissing the authority of any central government influenced by merchants and bankers. Although Ellis is not a partisan historian, the verdict of his pen is more for the Federalists than the Republicans. The closest he comes to outright favoritism is in the chapter on party politics, "The Conspiracy", in which he attempts to answer the question: why were Thomas Jefferson and James Madison so paranoid about the Federalists, acting as though men who had lead the assault against tyranny would become tyrants themselves? Adam's authorization of the Alien and Sedition acts hadn't yet come into being, nor had Hamilton suggested to Adams that South America could do with a proper invasion, but both make the student of history wonder if maybe Republican concerns weren't justified to some degree. Jefferson emerges from the section seemingly like an ambitious lunatic, however -- which, perhaps he was. Though regarded as a man of science, his romantic attachment to the French Revolution, which he devoted service to at the expense of the American government, reveals how profoundly irrational he could be.
None of the founders emerge from this narrative unscathed: even the divine Washington is revealed as only human, unable to will a perfect treaty with a native nation (the Creeks, here) into being: not are the Creeks cleverly led by a man who is treacherous as any Congressional politician, but American settlers have the damndest habit of not doing what the government would wish them to do. They keep flooding into Creek territory without a care in the world for foreign policy. Parliament would no doubt sympathize -- and just wait until you try taxing them, George. Oh, wait -- the whiskey rebellion is also covered. Men who occupy lesser roles in most Revolution narratives get to shine more here, like Roger Livingston, the Forrest Gump of the revolution, always somehow in the middle of the biggest moments of American history. American Creation is a fitting read for the Fourth, one which offers a vision hopeful yet sober of what was created, and what may yet be restored: a nation of the people, by the people, for the people.
© Joseph Ellis
304 pages
In Founding Brothers, Joseph Ellis used a series of nonfictional 'stories' about the founding fathers of the United States to illustrate how their personal relationships with one another shaped the struggle for independence and later the creation of the Republic. In American Creation, he uses the same approach, a series of vignettes, to explore moments which defined the course that Republic would take. Most occur after the revolution is won, and demonstrate how differently the founders dreamed from one another despite their accomplishments working with one another. The result is what I've come to expect of Joseph Ellis: colorful narrative history that doesn't begrudge sympathy to any founder and leaves the reader with a fuller appreciation for the Revolution -- one which sees the founders as men, not demigods, who struggled against not only the prejudices and foibles of third parties, but against one another and their own inner demons.
The titular triumphs are well known, like the Declaration of Independence and the miraculous survival of the Continental Army after Valley Forge, which was effected by both the persistent support of the people for the struggle and Washington's adoption of a strategy that played to his strengths: avoid battle and focus instead on controlling the countryside. Even so, Ellis may pass along new information to students of the period: for instance, months before the storied Declaration of Independence was presented and signed, each American colony drew up a constitution for itself in preparation for the impending separation from England, asserting self-rule in a fashion with immediate practical effects and much less bombast. Of the tragedies, there are three: the failure to strangle slavery, the lack of any effective and just "Indian policy", and the birth of vicious parties. All three have the same mother: the interests of Southern planters, asserting the sovereignty of their individual states and dismissing the authority of any central government influenced by merchants and bankers. Although Ellis is not a partisan historian, the verdict of his pen is more for the Federalists than the Republicans. The closest he comes to outright favoritism is in the chapter on party politics, "The Conspiracy", in which he attempts to answer the question: why were Thomas Jefferson and James Madison so paranoid about the Federalists, acting as though men who had lead the assault against tyranny would become tyrants themselves? Adam's authorization of the Alien and Sedition acts hadn't yet come into being, nor had Hamilton suggested to Adams that South America could do with a proper invasion, but both make the student of history wonder if maybe Republican concerns weren't justified to some degree. Jefferson emerges from the section seemingly like an ambitious lunatic, however -- which, perhaps he was. Though regarded as a man of science, his romantic attachment to the French Revolution, which he devoted service to at the expense of the American government, reveals how profoundly irrational he could be.
None of the founders emerge from this narrative unscathed: even the divine Washington is revealed as only human, unable to will a perfect treaty with a native nation (the Creeks, here) into being: not are the Creeks cleverly led by a man who is treacherous as any Congressional politician, but American settlers have the damndest habit of not doing what the government would wish them to do. They keep flooding into Creek territory without a care in the world for foreign policy. Parliament would no doubt sympathize -- and just wait until you try taxing them, George. Oh, wait -- the whiskey rebellion is also covered. Men who occupy lesser roles in most Revolution narratives get to shine more here, like Roger Livingston, the Forrest Gump of the revolution, always somehow in the middle of the biggest moments of American history. American Creation is a fitting read for the Fourth, one which offers a vision hopeful yet sober of what was created, and what may yet be restored: a nation of the people, by the people, for the people.
Saturday, August 18, 2012
John Adams
John Adams
© 2001 David McCullough
751 pages
© 2001 David McCullough
751 pages

The memory of some
American presidents looms over the national mind like their monuments tower
above the landscape. But John Adams has no monument on the National Mall: his
face does not stare down from Mount Rushmore
or any piece of currency. He is, or was, until the publication of this book,
largely forgotten – a downright shameful fact given the importance of his
accomplishments.
Name an aspect of the American Revolution, and John Adams
was there. In the early years, his voice
was among the most ardent scolding Britain for its abuse of colonial
legal rights: at the Continental Congress, he began and led the charge for
independence, championed George Washington as leader of the Continental Army,
and defended the Declaration of Independence as its author Thomas Jefferson sat
by idly. During the revolution, he
endured a long separation from his wife while working to effect war-winning
alliances and afterwards, established the new nation’s credit. Upon his return to the new United States , he served as vice president and
then president, pursuing a solitary course of action that kept America from
being embroiled in the Napoleonic wars, earning him the contempt and hostility
of both parties, but the praise of historians to come. John Adams was constantly making American
history despite not being born into power, wealth, or influence – he was there
because time and again he inserted himself into history’s way and stubbornly
stood for what he viewed as the right course of action.
While John Adams
isn’t a hagiography, McCullough’s
appraisal of his subject is mostly complimentary. Adams’ heroic aura comes not from grand
idealism – for Adams was a pragmatist – or
dashing military deeds, but in more mundane virtues. He was hardworking,
morally upright, faithful to his cause, driven by duty to live up to his
potential, and ever-constant. When
compared to his mercurial and petty contemporaries, not to mention the current
lot of demagogues masquerading as public officials, Adams seems the embodiment
of statesmanship. McCullough’s criticism is limited to acknowledging that Adams could have, at times, a bit of a temper.
Modern readers may find Adams ’ comparative conservatism more problematic than any
hot-headedness. Although Jefferson might have viewed the Revolution as being a
progressive step forward in the history of mankind, Adams
saw colonial rights as being a function of British, and then American, law:
they were not so much newly proclaimed as redeemed from the recent abuses of
the king. He put little faith in the judgment of excitable masses especially
the judgment of men who didn't own land enough to make them financially
independent: men beholden to bosses were
too easily influenced to build a free republic on. He also believed that
aristocracies were inevitable, and should be thus planned for – their
influenced acknowledged, and limited and removed from actual power – and that a
government functioned best with a powerful executive whose decisions could not
be easily over ridden. Given his fondness for English law, little wonder that
the pro-French party railed against him as a closet monarchist with British
sympathies and that members of his own party distanced themselves from him at
best (as did George Washington) or openly reviled him, like Alexander Hamilton.
With Jefferson conspiring with the French minister and both political parties
acting as though civil war was about to break out and planning extralegal
martial action, little wonder that Adams
sullied his reputation somewhat with the Alien and Sedition acts. To his
credit, he lived to regret signing those acts – something Wilson never did, and something it is
doubtful Bush or Obama ever will do.
John Adams was no idealist, but his actions speak louder
than the words of those we cherish as champions of human progress, like Jefferson – who repeated the thought that all men were
created equal in his Declaration, but persisted in keeping his own slaves. Adams reviled the practice and refused so
much as to hire someone else’s slaves: he and his family did most of the
work on their farm while Jefferson sat
idly in Monticello, singing praises of Napoleon and tinkering with his gadgets.
And for all his conservatism, Adams looked to the future and prepared the United States
for it. While Jefferson dreamt of a pastoral republic filled with gentleman
farmers (and their slaves, one assumes), Adams
saw the future of the nation writ in industry, and commerce. One wonders – had the
Erie Canal been proposed in a second Adams administration, instead of Jefferson’s
first, would it have found presidential support instead of being a project of
New York State alone?
John Adams is
an extraordinarily rich biography. McCullough’s reputation as an historian
speaks for itself: this is as engrossing as a novel, and filled with details
about Adams as a husband, father, farmer, public official, statesman, and
friend. Of the three McCullough works I've read, this was the most outstanding, in part because of its subject. I've found in him much to admire.
Monday, August 6, 2012
This Week at the Library (6 August)
Aside from special occasions like Independence Day, I don’t plan my reading. I tend to follow whatever ensnares my interest, though this tends to result in my gorging on a particular topic, sometimes to the point that I get sick of it. Thus, my tentative plans to do some science reading have been temporarily sidetracked by a continuing obsession with John Adams, who began to fascinate me in Founding Brothers by Joseph Ellis, and who has remained in my mind ever since. So for the past week I’ve been reading John Adams by David McCullough, which was most impressive. Between First Family and John Adams, though, I started watching a documentary series on DVD called From the Earth to the Moon, and now space exploration is the thing. It’s not a new interest of mine – my bed still has the NASA sticker I slapped on it back in middle school -- but I’ve never actually delved into the history of the space program. The series was absolutely astonishing, and since space exploration complements science reading rather nicely, don’t be surprised if it becomes a recurring theme this autumn. In addition to memoirs like A Man on the Moon and Deke!, there’s Neil deGrasse Tyson’s Space Chronicles to consider, which examines both the history and future of the United States’ space program.
=============T=H=E===W=E=E=K===I=N===Q=U=O=T=E=S===========
All of these are from John Adams, by David McCullough, and from Adams' own pen.
"The preservation of liberty depends upon the intellectual and moral character of the people. As long as knowledge and virtue are diffused generally among the body of a nation, it is impossible they should be enslaved."
"Facts are stubborn things, and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictums of our passions, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence."
"We may please ourselves with the prospect of free and popular government. But there is great danger that those governments will not make us happy. [...] I fear that in any assembly, members will obtain an influence by noise, not sense. By meanness, not greatness. By ignorance, not learning. By contracted hearts, not large souls. There is one thing, my dear sir, that must be attempted and most sacredly observed or we are all done. There must be decency and respect."
"Government is nothing more than the combined of society, or the united power of the multitude, for the peace, order, safety, good, and happiness of the people. ...There is no king or queen bee distinguished from all others, by size or beauty and variety of colors, in the human hive. No man yet produced any revelation from heaven in his favor, any divine communication to govern his fellow men. Nature throws us into the world equal and alike."
"Ambition is one of the more ungovernable passions of the human heart. The love of power is insatiable and uncontrollable..."
Sunday, July 29, 2012
First Family
First Family: Abigail and John Adams
© 2010 Joseph Ellis
320 pages

'Til then, 'til then, I am, as I ever was....yours, yours, yours.
Ellis proved in Founding Brothers that he's a gifted storyteller, and the same strength is at play here. It helps that he has such extraordinary characters to write about. Abigail is no prim and proper personality stifled by petticoats: she's strong, vibrant, and independence, giving as good as she gets in terms of political and philosophical conversations as well as sly innuendo that no one would expect from a couple living in Puritan country. She is in the truest sense of the word, Adams's partner; his dearest friend and most constant source of intellectual stimulation. Her interest in politics influences his career directly, and she takes an active hand in his personal and political relationships with men like Thomas Jefferson. The affection these two feel for one another -- the strength and power of their relationship -- is abundantly evident in their letters, especially when they are estranged during Adams' time as an diplomat in Europe. Abigail's role as confidant allows the reader to see inside Adams' mind, and the man revealed is endearing for his faults and fascinating in his beliefs. Adams' progressive realism contrasts with Jefferson's conservative idealism, and demonstrates the frailty of the false liberal-conservative divide. No man is so easy to box up. Although politics plays a large role given Adams' place in history as revolutionary leader and president, John and Abigail's family is never far from sight, and the losses they endure can't help but inspire sympathy.
I thoroughly enjoyed First Family. To be sure, it does have the weakness of maintaining a one-sided view of the Revolution that sees Britain as entirely in the wrong; here, Britain is taxing America to pay for its empire just because it's fun to be oppressive like that. It's also not quite as varied as Founding Brothers, but even so I couldn't stop reading it. (The story of John and Abigail fairly well enraptures me: even though the Fourth is long past, the taste I had of their relationship in Sacred Honor and Founding Brothers only gave me an appetite for more, and I may wind up having to find and purchase a collection of their letters to find satisfaction!). It's a story of romance, family, and politics -- one which reveals the mind-boggling insanity of the Adams White House, where the second president is beset by friend and foe alike. Not only does his vice president conspire with the French and instruct them not to pay Adams any attention, but a member of his own party has Bonaparte-esque delusions of grandeur and tries not only to run the presidential cabinet in secret, but put himself at the head of an army he can use to root out spies and traitors....like the vice president. If nothing else, First Family demonstrates the remarkable pillar of contrarianism that was Adams more easily than David McCullough' denser biography might.
Related:
- No Ordinary Time, Doris Kearns Goodwin (FDR & Eleanor)
- Founding Rivals,Chris DeRose
- Founding Brothers,Joseph Ellis
- John Adams, David McCullough
Labels:
American Revolution,
biography,
John Adams,
Joseph Ellis
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